THE BANKING AND THE AMERICAN FINANCIAL SYSTEM HISTORY, SUCCESS AND FAILURE
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Deregulation, Bank Failures, and New Technology

Several deregulatory moves made by the federal government in the 1980s diminished the distinctions among various
financial institutions in the United States. Two major changes were the Depository Institutions Deregulation and Monetary
Control Act (1980) and the Depository Institutions Act (1982), which allowed savings and loan associations to engage in
often-risky commercial loans and real estate investments, and to receive checking deposits. By 1984, banks had federal
support in buying discount brokerage firms, and commercial banks were beginning to acquire failed savings banks; in 1985
interstate banking was declared constitutional.

Such deregulation was blamed for the unprecedented number of bank failures among saving and loans association, with
over 500 such institutions closing between 1980 and 1988. The Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation (FSLIC),
until it became insolvent in 1989, insured deposits in all federally chartered—and in many state-chartered—savings and
loan associations. Its outstanding insurance obligations in connection with savings and loan failures, over $100 billion,
were transferred (1989) to the FDIC.

Further deregulation occurred in 1999, when Congress overhauled the entire U.S. Financial system. Among other actions,
the legislation repealed the Glass-Steagall Act, thus allowing banks to enter the insurance and securities businesses.
Supporters predicted that the measure would permit U.S. Banks to diversify and compete more effectively on an
international scale. Opponents warned that this deregulation could lead to failures of many financial institutions, as had
occurred with the savings and loans.

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Bank Failures

American financial history to 1934 was characterized by numerous bank failures, because the majority of banks were local
enterprises, not regional or national institutions with numerous branches. Lax state government regulations and inadequate
examinations permitted many banks to pursue unsound practices. With most financial eggs in local economic baskets, it
took only a serious crop failure or a business recession to precipitate dozens or even hundreds of bank failures. On the
whole, state-chartered banks had a particularly poor record.

Early Bank Failures

Early-nineteenth-century banks were troubled by a currency shortage and the resulting inability to redeem their notes in
specie. States later imposed penalties in those circumstances, but such an inability did not automatically signify failure.
The first bank to fail was the Farmers' Exchange Bank of Glocester, R.I., in 1809. The statistics of bank failures between
1789 and 1863 are inadequate, but the losses were unquestionably large. John Jay Knox estimated that the losses to
noteholders were 5 percent per annum, and bank notes were the chief money used by the general public. Not until after
1853 did banks' deposit liabilities exceed their note liabilities. Between 1830 and 1860, weekly news sheets called bank
note reporters gave the latest discount quoted on the notes of weak and closed banks. All businesses had to allow for
worthless bank notes. Although some states—such as New York in 1829 and 1838, Louisiana in 1842, and Indiana in 1834—
established sound banking systems, banking as a whole was characterized by frequent failures.

The establishment of the National Banking System in 1863 introduced needed regulations for national (i.e., nationally
chartered) banks. These were larger and more numerous than state banks until 1894, but even their record left much to be
desired. Between 1864 and 1913—a period that saw the number of banks rise from 1,532 to 26,664—515 national banks
were suspended, and only two years passed without at least one suspension. State banks suffered 2,491 collapses during the
same period. The worst year was the panic year of 1893, with almost five hundred bank failures. The establishment of the
Federal reserve system in 1913 did little to improve the record of national banks. Although all banks were required to join
the new system, 825 banks failed between 1914 and 1929, and an additional 1,947 failed by the end of 1933. During the
same twenty years there were 12,714 state bank failures. By 1933 there were 14,771 banks in the United States, half as
many as in 1920, and most of that half had disappeared by the failure route. During the 1920s, Canada, employing a
branch banking system, had only one failure. Half a dozen states had experimented with deposit insurance plans without
success. Apparently the situation needed the attention of the federal government.
General History OF BANKING

A simple form of banking was practiced by the ancient temples of Egypt, Babylonia, and Greece, which loaned at high
rates of interest the gold and silver deposited for safekeeping. Private banking existed by 600 B.C. and was considerably
developed by the Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines. Medieval banking was dominated by the Jews and Levantines because
of the strictures of the Christian Church against interest and because many other occupations were largely closed to Jews.
The forerunners of modern banks were frequently chartered for a specific purpose, e.g., the Bank of Venice (1171) and the
Bank of England (1694), in connection with loans to the government; the Bank of Amsterdam (1609), to receive deposits of
gold and silver. Banking developed rapidly throughout the 18th and 19th cent., accompanying the expansion of industry
and trade, with each nation evolving the distinctive forms peculiar to its economic and social life.

History of banking in the United States

Early Years to the Federal Reserve

In the United States the first bank was the Bank of North America, established (1781) in Philadelphia. Congress chartered
the first Bank of United States in 1791 to engage in general commercial banking and to act as the fiscal agent of the
government, but did not renew its charter in 1811. A similar fate befell the second Bank of the United States, chartered in
1816 and closed in 1836.

Prior to 1838 a bank charter could be obtained only by a specific legislative act, but in that year New York adopted the
Free Banking Act, which permitted anyone to engage in banking, upon compliance with certain charter conditions. Free
banking spread rapidly to other states, and from 1840 to 1863 all banking business was done by state-chartered institutions.
In many Western states it degenerated into “wildcat” banking because of the laxity and abuse of state laws. Bank notes were
issued against little or no security, and credit was overe-xpanded; depressions brought waves of bank failures. In particular,
the multiplicity of state bank notes caused great confusion and loss. To correct such conditions, Congress passed (1863) the
National Bank Act, which provided for a system of banks to be chartered by the federal government.

In 1865, by granting national banks the authority to issue bank notes and by placing a prohibitive tax on state bank notes,
an amendment to the act brought all banks under federal supervision. Most banks in existence did take out national
charters, but some, being banks of deposit, were unaffected by the tax and continued under their state charters, thus giving
rise to what is generally known as the “dual banking system.” The number of state banks expanded rapidly with the
increasing use of bank checks.

Recurrent banking panics caused by overe-xpansion of credit, inadequate bank reserves, and inelastic currency prompted
Congress in 1908 to create the National Monetary Commission to investigate the banking and currency fields and to
recommend legislation. Its suggestions were embodied in the Federal Reserve Act (1913), which provided for a central
banking organization, the Federal Reserve System (Central Bank).

Further Legislation

Since the establishment of the Federal Reserve system, federal banking legislation has been limited largely to detailed
amendments to the National Bank and Federal Reserve acts. The Glass-Steagall Act of 1932 and the Banking Act of 1933
together formed an extensive reform measure designed to correct the abuses that had led to numerous bank crises in the
years following the stock market crash of 1929. The Glass-Steagall Act prohibited commercial banks from involvement in
the securities and insurance businesses. The Banking Act strengthened the powers of supervisory authorities, increased
controls over the volume and use of credit, and provided for the insurance of bank deposits under the Federal Deposit
Insurance corporation (FDIC). The Banking Act of 1935 strengthened the powers of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors
in the field of credit management, tightened existing restrictions on banks engaging in certain activities, and enlarged the
supervisory powers of the FDIC.
Fdic Established

The bank holocaust of the early 1930s—9,106 bank failures in four years, 1,947 of them national
banks—culminating in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's executive order declaring a nationwide bank
moratorium in March 1933, at last produced the needed drastic reforms. In 1933 Congress passed the
Glass-Steagall Act, which forbade Federal Reserve member banks to pay interest on demand
deposits, and founded the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC). In an effort to protect bank
deposits from rapid swings in the market, the Glass-Steagall Banking Act of 1933 forced banks to
decide between deposit safeholding and investment. Executives of security firms, for example, were
prohibited from sitting as trustees of commercial banks.

The FDIC raised its initial capital by selling two kinds of stock. Class A stock (paying dividends) came
from assessing every insured bank 0.5 percent of its total deposits—half paid in full, half subject to
call. All member banks of the Federal Reserve System had to be insured. Federal Reserve Banks had
to buy Class B stock (paying no dividends) with 0.5 percent of their surplus—half payable
immediately, half subject to call. In addition, any bank desiring to be insured paid .083 percent of its
average deposits annually. The FDIC first insured each depositor in a bank up to $2,500; in mid-1934
Congress put the figure at $5,000; on 21 September 1950, the maximum became $10,000; on 16
October 1966, the limit went to $15,000; on 23 December 1969, to $20,000; and on 27 November
1974, to $40,000. At the end of 1971 the FDIC was insuring 98.6 percent of all commercial banks
and fully protecting 99 percent of all depositors. However, it was protecting only about 64 percent of
all deposits, with savings deposits protected at a high percentage but business deposits at only about
55 percent. By the mid-1970s the FDIC was examining more than 50 percent of the banks in the
nation, which accounted for about 20 percent of banking assets. It did not usually examine member
banks of the Federal Reserve System, which were the larger banks. There was a degree of rivalry
between the large and small banks, and the FDIC was viewed as the friend of the smaller banks.

Whereas in the 1920s banks failed at an average rate of about six hundred a year, during the first nine
years of the FDIC (1934–1942) there were 487 bank closings because of financial difficulties, mostly
of insured banks; 387 of these received disbursements from the FDIC. During the years from 1943 to
1972, the average number of closings dropped to five per year. From 1934 to 1971 the corporation
made disbursements in 496 cases involving 1.8 million accounts, representing $1.215 billion in total
deposits. The FDIC in 1973 had $5.4 billion in assets. Through this protection, people were spared
that traumatic experience of past generations, a "run on the bank" and the loss of a large part of their
savings. For example, in 1974 the $5 billion Franklin National Bank of New York, twentieth in size in
the nation, failed. It was the largest failure in American banking history. The FDIC, the Federal
Reserve, and the controller of the currency arranged the sale of most of the bank's holdings, and no
depositor lost a cent.
The 1980s and the Savings and Loan Debacle

The widespread bank failures of the 1980s—more than sixteen hundred FDIC-insured banks were
closed or received financial assistance between 1980 and 1994—revealed major weaknesses in the
federal deposit insurance system. In the 1970s, mounting defense and social welfare costs, rising oil
prices, and the collapse of American manufacturing vitality in certain key industries (especially steel
and electronics) produced spiraling inflation and a depressed securities market. Securities
investments proved central to the economic recovery of the 1980s, as corporations cut costs through
mergers, takeovers, and leveraged buyouts.

The shifting corporate terrain created new opportunities for high-risk, high-yield investments known as
"junk bonds." The managers of the newly deregulated savings and loan (S&L) institutions, eager for
better returns, invested heavily in these and other investments—in particular, a booming commercial
real estate market.

When the real estate bubble burst, followed by a series of insider-trading indictments of Wall Street
financiers and revelations of corruption at the highest levels of the S&L industry, hundreds of the S&Ls
collapsed. In 1988 the Federal Home Loan Bank Board began the process of selling off the defunct
remains of 222 saving and loans. Congress passed sweeping legislation the following year that
authorized a massive government bailout and imposed strict new regulatory laws on the S&L industry.
The cost of the cleanup to U.S. taxpayers was $132 billion.

In addition to the S&L crisis, the overall trend within the banking industry during the 1980s was toward
weaker performance ratios, declining profitability, and a quick increase in loan charge-offs, all of which
placed an unusual strain on banks. Seeking stability in increased size, the banking industry responded
with a wave of consolidations and mergers.

This was possible in large part because Congress relaxed restrictions on branch banking in an effort to
give the industry flexibility in its attempts to adjust to the changing economy. Deregulation also made it
easier for banks to engage in risky behavior, however, contributing to a steep increase in bank failures
when loans and investments went bad in the volatile economic climate. Legislators found themselves
torn among the need to deregulate banks, the need to prevent failures, and the need to recapitalize
deposit insurance funds, which had suffered a huge loss during the decade. In general, they responded
by giving stronger tools to regulators but narrowly circumscribing the discretion of regulators to use
those tools.

During the 1990s, the globalization of the banking industry meant that instability abroad would have
rapid repercussions in American financial markets; this, along with banks' growing reliance on
computer systems, presented uncertain challenges to the stability of domestic banks in the final years
of the twentieth century. As the economy boomed in the second half of the decade, however, the
performance of the banking industry improved remarkably, and the number of bank failures rapidly
declined. Although it was unclear whether the industry had entered a new period of stability or was
merely benefiting from the improved economic context, the unsettling rise in bank failures of the 1980s
seemed to have been contained.
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